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期刊简介
《国际关系》（International Relations）在观点上是明确的多元化。在许多学术期刊在范围上越来越专业化，在方法上越来越宗派的时候，本刊的编辑政策仍倾向于主题和方法的多样性。除了更主流的概念工作和政策分析外，本刊欢迎来自所有角度和与国际关系相关的所有主题的文章或建议：法律、经济学、伦理、战略、哲学、文化、环境等。本刊认为，这种多元化受到学术和政策界以及感兴趣的公众的极大需求。每卷通常都包含同行评审的研究文章，以及综述文章、采访、辩论和论坛的组合。总之，我们欢迎各种观点。2024年该期刊的影响因子为1.5。
本期目录
1
性别视角下的美国衰落论：一则警示故事
A gendered analysis of US decline: a cautionary tale
2
争议何以建构合法性：气候变化行动规范与美国对《巴黎协定》的挑战
When contestation legitimizes: the norm of climate change action and the US contesting the Paris Agreement
3
特朗普主义及其对全球气候治理的抵制
Trumpism and the rejection of global climate governance
4
中欧自贸协定战略比较：对“规范力量欧洲”的启示
Comparing Chinese and EU trade agreement strategies: lessons for normative power Europe?
5
无偿捐赠的迷思：核武器政策分析中的研究资助与利益冲突
No such thing as a free donation? Research funding and conflicts of interest in nuclear weapons policy analysis
内容摘要
性别视角下的美国衰落论：一则警示故事
题目：A gendered analysis of US decline: a cautionary tale
作者：Clara Eroukhmanoff，伦敦南岸大学国际关系与政治学高级讲师、法学与社会科学学院（LSS）研究与企业合作副院长。
摘要：本文对国际关系学界与美国外交政策领域热议的美国衰落论进行了创新的性别视角分析，该理论认为美国霸权及其主导的国际秩序即将终结。受女性主义国际关系理论启发，文章论证了男权主义以三种重要方式影响这一理论：用于论证（或反驳）美国衰落的方法论、衰落论所推崇和强化的价值观，以及美国衰落论通过男性中心意象所引发的认知共鸣。本文通过对冷战结束以来美国衰落历史叙事的话语分析，指出美国衰落论为“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）提供了理论支持，并助推了以唐纳德·特朗普及其支持者为代表的混合型男子气概的回归。因此，本文通过揭示帝国衰落的警示性场景所产生的构成性效应，构成对衰落论的警世批判。本研究对美国衰落论进行了原创性探究，并推进了对衰落论的更广泛研究，从而丰富了国际关系领域的学术讨论。
This article offers an innovative gendered analysis of the thesis of US decline, a prominent theory shared amongst International Relations scholars and US foreign policy experts about the impending end of US hegemony and the US-led international order. Inspired by feminist International Relations, it demonstrates that masculinism underscores the theory in three important ways: the methodologies used to (dis)prove US decline, the values declinism privileges and reinforces, and the way US decline appeals to phallocentric imagery. The article illustrates this argument through a discourse analytical reading of hi/stories of decline since the end of the Cold War in which I argue that US declinism paved the way for ‘Make America Great Again’ (MAGA) and the return to a hybrid masculinity embodied by Donald Trump and his supporters. The article thus acts a cautionary tale against declinism by showing the constitutive effects of alarming scenarios of falling empires. It offers an original inquiry in the thesis of US decline and advances wider studies on declinism, and in so doing, contributes to International Relations scholarship.
争议何以建构合法性：气候变化行动规范与美国对《巴黎协定》的挑战
题目：When contestation legitimizes: the norm of climate change action and the US contesting the Paris Agreement
作者：Laura von Allwörden，德国基尔大学国际关系系研究员。
摘要：2017年，时任美国总统特朗普宣布美国将退出《巴黎协定》，此举被普遍视为对全球气候合作延续的重大挑战。学界曾担忧这将引发成员国效仿性退出，导致协定效力弱化及气候变化行动规范的式微。然而，各国与非国家行为体反而重申对协定的承诺，进一步强化了该规范的合法性。本文探讨了美国退出声明引发的争议行为推动气候变化行动规范进一步合法化的机制，并认为原因在于，通过联合国气候变化框架公约（UNFCCC）等机制的持续努力，气候变化行动已发展为全球多元化气候治理共同体中具有合法性的制度化规范。争议与合法化实是一个相互关联的整体性过程，因此，特朗普政府的争议性表态实际上触发了合法化效应，而非去合法化。基于对联合国气候变化框架公约官员、缔约方大会谈判代表及非国家行为体的26例访谈，本文认为：美国的退出声明可被视为气候行动规范合法化的催化剂。本文研究成果为学界关于规范合法化与争议，尤其是全球气候体制中国际组织所推动的规范之相关研究，提供了有益的补充。
In 2017 US president Trump announced the intent to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. This was widely perceived as a major challenge to continued cooperation to counter climate change. A feared consequence was further member withdrawal leading to the weakening of the Paris agreement and thus, the climate change action norm. Yet instead, states and non-state actors recommitted to the agreement and further legitimated the norm. How did this contestation of the US withdrawal announcement contribute to the further legitimation of the climate change action norm? I argue that this is due to climate change action being established as a legitimate, institutionalized norm within a diverse community in the global climate regime, especially by the UNFCCC’s effort. Contestation and legitimation are connected in a holistic process. Trump’s contestation therefore triggered legitimation rather than de-legitimation. Based on 26 interviews with UNFCCC officials, COP negotiators and non-state actors, I show that the announcement can be perceived as catalyst to the norm legitimation. This article contributes to the literature on the legitimation and contestation of norms, especially those facilitated by international organizations in the global climate regime.
特朗普主义及其对全球气候治理的抵制
题目：Trumpism and the rejection of global climate governance
作者：Aaron Ettinger，卡尔顿大学政治学系副教授及本科生导师；Andrea M Collins，滑铁卢大学环境、资源与可持续发展学院副教授及研究生部副主任。
摘要：本文旨在阐释唐纳德·特朗普抵制全球气候合作的思想基础及其对未来全球气候治理的影响。文章认为，特朗普主义的对抗姿态构成对支撑全球气候合作关键理念的根本性规范挑战。在此，我们将探讨两种具体的规范争议：（1）集体行动与法外主权之争，（2）共同但有区别的责任（CBDR）与公平即互惠原则之争。特朗普对规范的拒斥行为具有范式突破性：其对气候治理机制的否定及其对回归世界政治既往秩序的渴望，确立了其在规范争议领域中“反动规范企业家”的独特角色定位。在全球气候治理的宏观框架内，文章通过揭示观念上的根本冲突以及特朗普作为反动规范企业家的角色，为特朗普主义抵制全球气候治理合作的行为提供了一种观念性解释。本研究选取了一个具有代表性的规范争议事件作为案例，分析了其对全球气候变化治理机制存续的影响。
This paper explains the ideational foundations of Donald Trump’s rejection of global climate cooperation and its implications for the future of global climate governance. We argue that Trumpism’s antipathy is a fundamental normative challenge to the key ideas that underpin global climate cooperation. Here we explore two specific norm contestations: (1) Collective action versus extralegal sovereignty, and (2) Common but Differentiated Responsibility versus fairness-as-reciprocity. Trump’s aggressive norm rejections are quite novel. His rejection of climate politics in particular and his desire to return to a status quo ante in world politics, positions him as a distinct type of actor in the spectrum of norm contestation – a reactionary norm entrepreneur. We contribute an ideational explanation of Trumpism’s rejection of global climate cooperation by identifying the fundamental clash of ideas and his role as a reactionary norm entrepreneur within the broader framework of global climate governance. It offers a case study in a high-profile instance of norm contestation and its implications for the survival of the global climate change regime.
无偿捐赠的迷思：核武器政策分析中的研究资助与利益冲突
题目：No such thing as a free donation? Research funding and conflicts of interest in nuclear weapons policy analysis
作者：Kjølv Egeland，挪威地震研究中心（NORSAR）高级研究员，曾于2019年至2023年间以玛丽·居里学者的身份参与巴黎政治学院“Nuclear Knowledges”项目；Benoît Pelopidas，巴黎政治学院“Nuclear Knowledges”项目创始人、国际研究中心（CERI）安全研究方向杰出讲席教授，斯坦福大学国际安全与合作中心（CISAC）研究员，普林斯顿大学科学与全球安全项目常驻访问学者。
摘要：近年来，众多学者指出，核武器政策分析领域普遍存在自我审查、趋同现象以及既有认知与现有证据之间长期脱节的问题。有假设认为，此类现象部分源于研究者对资助方资金支持的依赖——这些资助方往往与维系现存核秩序存在利益关联。本文通过深入考察外交政策智库与核防务承包商和奉行核威慑战略的政府之间的资金联系，以检验这一假设。基于半结构化访谈和对全球45家顶级智库资金来源的调查，本研究发现：首先，样本中几乎所有智库都接受了来自核利益相关方的资助；其次，这种“利益相关方资助”对学术自主性产生了实质性影响。鉴于民主依赖于思想独立的普遍共识，这一发现表明，有必要就外交政策分析领域（尤其是核政策分析领域）普遍存在的利益冲突问题展开严肃讨论。
Numerous scholars have in recent years concluded that the field of nuclear weapons policy analysis is plagued by widespread self-censorship, conformism, and enduring disconnects between accepted knowledge and available evidence. It has been hypothesized that this tendency is fostered in part by many analysts’ reliance on funding from donors with interests in the perpetuation of the existing nuclear order. In this article, we probe this hypothesis by investigating the financial links between foreign policy think tanks, on the one hand, and nuclear defence contractors and governments that espouse nuclear deterrence strategies, on the other. Relying on semi-structured interviews and a survey of the funding sources of 45 of the world’s top think tanks, we find, first, that effectively all think tanks in the sample accepted funding from nuclear vested interests and, second, that such ‘stakeholder funding’ has real effects on intellectual freedom. Given the widely-held view that democracy relies on intellectual independence, this finding calls for a serious debate about conflicts of interest in foreign policy analysis generally and nuclear policy analysis specifically.
译者：崔馨月，国政学人编译员，青岛大学英语系。
审校 | 赖永桢
排版 | 陈思妍
本文源于《国际关系》(IR), Vol. 39,No.1 ,March 2025，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
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内容来源于51吃瓜网友投稿 |
